Friday, June 23, 2006

TEHELKA DEBATE

Beyond Caste

Why only caste? Reserve seats in educational
institutions on the basis of schooling, gender and
family income. That is the affirmative way to ensure
social justice. Purushottam Agrawal opens a critical
discussion

Purushottam Agrawal


The Indian government~Rs intention of introducing caste
based quotas for the ~SOther Backward Classes~T in
centrally funded institutions of higher learning and
the prime minister~Rs suggestion to the private sector
to ~Qvoluntarily go in for reservation~R, has once again
sparked off a debate on the merits and demerits of
caste-based reservations. Unfortunately, the
predictable divide between the votaries of ~Ssocial
justice~T on one hand and those advocating ~Smerit~T on
the other seems to have once again camouflaged the
real issues. It is necessary to take a holistic and
non-partisan view of the issues involved.

The hue and cry about ~Ssacrificing merit~T is untenable
simply because merit is after all a social construct
and it cannot be determined objectively in a
historically unjust and unequal context. The idea of
competitive merit will be worthy of serious attention
only in a broadly egalitarian context. But then, caste
is not the only obstacle in the way of an egalitarian
order.

After all, economic conditions, educational
opportunities and discrimination on the basis of
gender also contribute to the denial of opportunity to
express one~Rs true merit and worth. It is interesting
to note that in the ongoing debate, one side refuses
to see the socially constructed nature of the notion
of merit, while the other side refuses to recognise
the multiplicity of the mechanisms of exclusion with
equal vehemence.

The idea of caste-based reservations is justified by
the logic of social justice. This implies the
conscious attempt to restructure a given social order
in such a way that individuals belonging to the
traditionally and structurally marginalised social
groups get adequate opportunities to actualise their
potential and realise their due share in the resources
available.

In any society, particularly in one as diverse and
complex as the Indian society, this is going to be a
gigantic exercise and must not be reduced to just one
aspect of state policy. Seen in this light,
caste-based reservation has to work in tandem with
other policies ensuring the elimination of the
structures of social marginalisation and denial of
access. It has to be seen as a means of achieving
social justice and not an end in itself. By the same
logic it must be assessed and audited from time to
time like any other social policy and economic
strategy.


Can we say that a pupil from a panchayat school in
Bihar is equipped to compete with an alumnus of Doon
School on an equal footing, even if both of them
belong to the same caste?
Hence, it is important, to discuss reservation in the
holistic context of much required social restructuring
and not to convert it into a fetish of ~Qpolitical
correctness~R. Admittedly, caste remains a social
reality and a mechanism of oppression in Indian
society. But can we say that caste is the only
mechanism of oppression? Can we say with absolute
certainty that poverty amongst the so-called upper
castes has been eradicated? Can we say that the
regions of Northeast, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh are on
par with the glittering metros of Delhi and Mumbai?
Can we say that a pupil from a panchayat school in
Bihar is equipped to compete with an alumnus of Doon
School on an equal footing, even if both of them
belong to the same caste group? One of my students
once remarked that he was regularly compelled to swim
across a rivulet in order to reach his school, and the
rivulet in question did not distinguish between
Brahmins and dalits. Incidentally, this young man
happens to be a Brahmin by birth! Can we also say that
gender plays no role in denial of social
opportunities? After all, this society discriminates
against girls even before they are born. What to talk
of access or opportunities, they~Rre denied birth
itself. Such discrimination exists across religious
and caste lines.

Moreover, the question is: do we want to eliminate
caste as a factor of social relations and political
processes or do we want to perpetuate it forever? Is
it not true that by treating caste as the only medium
of oppression and hence by focusing all remedial
measures on caste alone, we have only added to the
longevity of caste as the determining factor of social
identity? Individuals have been virtually turned into
the epitomes of the caste of their birth ~W denying the
multiple identities that every individual perforce
carries. This also helps the powerful amongst the
generally disempowered sections to corner most of the
benefits of caste-based reservation. Caste, which in
reality is only one of the features of identity at the
individual level and the manifestation of an abhorrent
social order at the social and structural level, has
been turned into the essential identity of individual
citizens. Such a situation helps only those
politicians who are in search of shortcuts to power.
It is harmful for the cause of a modern social
democracy as well as to the cause of individuals in
need of social justice and related affirmative action.

There seems to be a deliberate attempt to mislead
public opinion by projecting caste-based reservation
as the only form of affirmative action. Affirmative
action has to ~Saffirm~T the social will to rectify
unjust structures and practices in existence. Any
society has a multiplicity of such structures and
practices. Any programme of affirmative action has to
tackle all these factors and not elevate any one
factor to the level of a political ~Sfetish~T.

I hereby propose a model of affirmative action that I
will call miraa ~W Multiple Index Related Affirmative
Action. As the name suggests, this model will take
into account several factors when a candidate is
considered for admission or employment.

In the specific situation of our country, miraa will
consist of the following indices:

1. Caste/Tribe
2. Gender
3. Economic status of family
4. Kind of schooling received
5. Region where candidate spent his/her formative
years
6. Status as a first generation learner/educational
achievement in the family

Let me explain how this system will work. There will
be no pre-fixed quotas. miraa will be operative on
hundred percent of the available seats for education
or employment. Suppose there is a 100-mark scale for
entry to a college/organisation. These 100 marks can
be distributed amongst entrance test, interview, and
academic performance as per the wishes of the
institution in question. First and foremost, all
candidates would be ranked on this hundred mark scale,
depending on their performance in the entrance test,
interview etc. Then miraa would be applied and each
candidate irrespective of their caste can potentially
benefit from it, due to the different indices, which
make up the system.

The maximum points a person can get under miraa are 30
and the minimum is 0. Now the candidate~Rs miraa
subscore is added to the score s/he achieved in the
admission process described above. This will be the
total score. The candidates whose total score clears
the cut-off for a particular subject/job will then be
offered the position. (see boxes on facing page)

Hence, this system does take into account both the
qualification of the individual as well as the demands
of social and economic justice. Unlike the
quota/percentage system which confines the social
justice mechanism only to a fraction of the available
vacancies, miraa brings each and every seat under the
ambit of social and economic justice.

This proposal doesn~Rt take into account the religion
of the applicant, as it is based upon the realisation
the ubiquitous nature of the institution of caste in
Indian society. Hence, the members of marginalised and
disempowered communities across the religious spectrum
will get due benefits.

For example, a Kidwai or Raza Muslim will not be
awarded any points under caste index while an Ansari
or a Salmani will get points in accordance with obc
status. The same logic applies to Christians and
others as well. I request the reader to think,
consider and react to miraa.

The writer teaches at the Jawaharlal Nehru University,
Delhi
May 13 , 2006

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